TX-18 · House

The district, in brief

Texas's 18th is a new district for 2026 whose voting age population the text puts at 45% Black and 32.2% Hispanic. It takes in Downtown, EaDo, Midtown, the Third Ward and Fifth Ward, the Texas Medical Center, the Museum District and NRG Stadium, and extends to Settegast and Fall Creek in northeast Houston, Sunnyside and Brays Oaks in south and southwest Houston, and northern Missouri City, Stafford and Fresno in Fort Bend County. In 2024 it gave Kamala Harris 76.7% and Colin Allred 78.5%.

The Democratic nominee is Christian Menefee, who succeeded Sylvester Turner, who died in March 2025, by winning a special election runoff in January 2026. The text also lists Al Green, re-elected unopposed in the 9th district in 2024, as a pre-election incumbent; Green ran here and the primary became member versus member. Menefee led the first round 46.0% to 44.2%, with Amanda Edwards, the special-election runner-up who withdrew on February 9, 2026 but stayed on the ballot, at 7.7% and Gretchen Brown at 2.0%, and won the runoff with 69.3%. A University of Houston runoff poll (May 5–8, 2026) had Menefee 50%, Green 43%. Green self-funded $100,000 of his $940,155 through February 11, 2026. The Republican nominee is Ronald Whitfield, who beat Elizabeth Vences 55.1% to 44.9% on 9,581 votes; the text gives him no background. As of April 26, 2026 Menefee had raised $3,463,829 with $318,035 on hand; the same table shows Whitfield with $0 raised and $0 on hand.

Every rater with a call listed has the seat D: Decision Desk HQ (July 14, 2026), the Cook Political Report (February 6, 2025), Inside Elections (March 7, 2025) and Sabato's Crystal Ball (September 18, 2025). The Silver Bulletin row is dated August 20, 2026 but shows no ranking.

A paragraph quoting a model forecast from the day this brief was written is omitted; the current forecast is at the top of this page.

The facts, each beside its sentence

Not in the source: The text is truncated between the Democratic runoff results and the Republican primary: Green's runoff vote line and the Republican primary heading and nominee description are missing, so Whitfield's background is unknown.; No general-election district polls: the polls in the text are for the Democratic primary and runoff, and the model's basis says no district polls.; The Democratic primary endorsement blocks are not labelled by candidate, so none is attributed here; a post-primary Giffords endorsement under the general election likewise names no recipient.; The Silver Bulletin row in the ratings table carries a date but no ranking.; The text does not give Menefee's or Green's vote share from the 2025–26 special election.

Read from the district's section of Wikipedia's state page (CC BY-SA), archived as efe72be7e14a; written by claude-fable-5-1 (batch reader) on 2026-09-30 and checked mechanically: every quote occurs verbatim in the archived text, every number in the brief occurs in the inputs. No probability here is the reader's.

Who holds the seat now

Christian D. Menefee (Democrat), in this chamber since 2026, 1 term. Committees: House Committee on Science, Space, and Technology; House Committee on Oversight and Government Reform.

From the congress-legislators dataset (CC0), archived as ae8cb9477c48. For a Senate race this lists both of the state's senators; the one whose term ends in the election year holds the seat on the ballot. For a House district redrawn for 2026 it is the member elected under the old lines with this number, who may be running elsewhere; the dossier above names who is running here.

How it has voted for president

A shift of 7.0 points toward the Republicans from 2016 to 2024. county returns placed on the current lines by 2020 block population; MEDSL county file (2016), an MIT-licensed county file (2020, checked against certified state results) and MEDSL precinct returns (2024). For a district split across counties this is an estimate, and where the state published the exact 2024 figure for these lines, that exact figure is the one the model uses.

Who are the voters?

Of about 494,124 adults 25 and over. In 2020 the district voted 82.0% Democratic (two-party) for president. With the same preferences and a 2022-style midterm turnout, it would vote 81.7% Democratic: the midterm electorate alone moves the margin 0.7 points toward Republicans. Group shares are estimated from how results vary across the state's census tracts (ecological inference, anchored to Pew's 2020 validated-voter figures) and calibrated to this district's actual 2020 vote; turnout is the Census survey's state rate by race and national rate by education, whose state samples carry margins of several points.

Not answered here: how each group will vote in 2026. These are 2020 preferences; this profile is description, not yet an input to the forecast.

The money

FEC bulk candidate summaries through July 15, 2026; $7,194,246 of independent expenditures for or against these candidates this cycle (FEC Schedule E, types 24E and 24A), which is the parties' and outside groups' own revealed view of whether this seat is in play.

The district in numbers

ACS 5-year 2023, assembled from census tracts by the 2020 population of their blocks inside the current lines, because the Bureau has not tabulated these lines; medians are population-weighted means of tract medians. Unemployment is the BLS county series placed on the district by block population, not seasonally adjusted, so changes are same-month comparisons. Income, transfers and jobs are BEA county accounts placed the same way, compared with the average district. Every other figure is a named column of a named table in the Bureau's summary file, archived before it was read. This is what a reader knows about a district before looking at a poll; the model does not yet use it, and whether it should is a registered question.

Who is favoured, and by how much?

The 90% interval runs from +43.7 to +73.6 points, D-R. It is wide because this district has never been polled.

What is this built on?

A model trained on every contested House race 2012-2024 predicts this district's lean from its own record: presidential and House results on the current lines, incumbency, both candidates' prior offices, outside and party money before 1 October, demographics and public-assistance shares from the Census release before the election, local unemployment and income, and religious tradition. The national margin comes from presidential approval, the economy, the midterm penalty and the generic ballot corrected for its measured lean. Draws share national and state errors, so the seat total and this district come from the same simulation.

Not answered here: district polls, which are not yet folded in.

Why does the model say this?

Each figure is how far this district's predicted lean moves when that one feature is set to the typical value across 2026 districts, everything else held: 2024 presidential lean (D+57.2): 46.5 pts toward the Democrat; 2024 House lean: 15.0 pts toward the Democrat; experience gap (+4 levels, D minus R): 12.0 pts toward the Democrat; PAC money balance: 8.6 pts toward the Democrat; 2022 House lean: 3.5 pts toward the Democrat.

How sure is it, and of what?

Total sd 9.09 points, made of the seat's own volatility 93%, correlated polling error 7%. The decomposition is stored with the forecast rather than reconstructed, so a probability whose dominant input is a placeholder is visibly that.

Not answered here: a nowcast. 'If ballots were cast today' needs something that observes today, and for a House district nothing does. Publishing the election-day figure under both labels would make one forecast look like two.

How was this number made?

Run 00a09d4b-7980-4ec5-ada0-077968a87242, house_district_prior/0.2.0, as of 2026-10-02. Promoted by a pre-registered gate: on 2016-2022 its Brier score was 0.036 against 0.049 for the previous method, and on a single 2024 run 0.023 against 0.032 (experiments/district_gate_result.md, with an independent review).