MD-8 · House
election-day forecast · ground-up model · as of 2026-10-02
The district, in brief
Maryland's 8th district is based in Montgomery County and includes the county's innermost suburbs of Washington, D.C., such as Rockville, Silver Spring and Bethesda. The lines are the map first used in 2022 and were not redrawn for this cycle. On these lines the facts record a 2024 presidential two-party margin of 58.1 points for the Democrat.
The incumbent is Democrat Jamie Raskin, re-elected with 76.8% of the vote in 2024. He won the Democratic primary with 92.7% over J. D. Kumar, Stephen Leon and the withdrawn Boris Velasquez. The Republican nominee is Cheryl Riley, a public relations consultant who was also the nominee in 2024; she won a four-way primary with 43.3%, ahead of Anita Cox at 26.3%, Donald Lech at 17.0% and Michael Yadeta at 13.5%. Nancy Wallace, the Green nominee for the seat in 2016 and for governor in 2022, is also standing. As of June 30, 2026 Raskin had raised $7,425,389 with $7,893,447 on hand; Riley had raised $16,590 with $1,806 on hand.
Every rater listed calls the seat D: Decision Desk HQ (July 14, 2026), the Cook Political Report (February 6, 2025), Inside Elections (March 7, 2025) and Sabato's Crystal Ball (April 10, 2025). The text records no district polls.
A paragraph quoting a model forecast from the day this brief was written is omitted; the current forecast is at the top of this page.
The facts, each beside its sentence
The incumbent is Democrat Jamie Raskin, who was re-elected with 76.8% of the vote in 2024.
The incumbent is Democrat Jamie Raskin
Jamie Raskin, incumbent U.S. representative
Cheryl Riley, public relations consultant and nominee for this district in 2024
Jamie Raskin, incumbent U.S. representative
public relations consultant and nominee for this district in 2024
who was re-elected with 76.8% of the vote in 2024
The 8th district is based in Montgomery County and includes the county's innermost suburbs of Washington, D.C., such as Rockville, Silver Spring, and Bethesda.
candidate: Jamie Raskin (incumbent) party: Democratic Party (United States) votes: 98,179 percentage: 92.7
Decision Desk HQ D July 14, 2026 The Cook Political Report D February 6, 2025
Jamie Raskin (D) $7,425,389 $4,497,145 $7,893,447
Nancy Wallace (Green), nominee for this district in 2016 and governor in 2022
Michael Yadeta, engineer and candidate for this district in 2020, 2022, and 2024
Not in the source: The text gives no presidential results for the district; the 2024 baseline comes from the facts only.; No district polls are recorded, and the model's basis says no district polls.; The endorsements section is empty.; No general-election ratings finer than 'D' are given (no Lean/Likely/Safe).
Read from the district's section of Wikipedia's state page (CC BY-SA), archived as 088007af2650; written by claude-fable-5-1 (batch reader) on 2026-09-30 and checked mechanically: every quote occurs verbatim in the archived text, every number in the brief occurs in the inputs. No probability here is the reader's.
Who holds the seat now
Jamie Raskin (Democrat), in this chamber since 2017, 5 terms. Committees: House Committee on the Judiciary (Ranking Member).
From the congress-legislators dataset (CC0), archived as ae8cb9477c48. For a Senate race this lists both of the state's senators; the one whose term ends in the election year holds the seat on the ballot. For a House district redrawn for 2026 it is the member elected under the old lines with this number, who may be running elsewhere; the dossier above names who is running here.
How it has voted for president
| Two-party margin | 2016 | 2020 | 2024 |
|---|---|---|---|
| President | D+58.8 | D+61.1 | D+54.9 |
A shift of 4.0 points toward the Republicans from 2016 to 2024. county returns placed on the current lines by 2020 block population; MEDSL county file (2016), an MIT-licensed county file (2020, checked against certified state results) and MEDSL precinct returns (2024). For a district split across counties this is an estimate, and where the state published the exact 2024 figure for these lines, that exact figure is the one the model uses.
Who are the voters?
| Group (adults 25+) | Share of adults | Turnout 2020 / midterm | Share of a midterm electorate | Est. Democratic share, 2020 |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| White, no degree | 11% | 61% / 49% | 10% | 32% |
| White, degree | 38% | 83% / 76% | 55% | 85% |
| Black | 16% | 68% / 52% | 16% | 96% |
| Hispanic | 17% | 45% / 22% | 7% | 83% |
| Asian | 15% | 51% / 30% | 8% | 91% |
| Other / multiracial | 4% | 69% / 54% | 4% | 80% |
Of about 534,876 adults 25 and over. In 2020 the district voted 81.8% Democratic (two-party) for president. With the same preferences and a 2022-style midterm turnout, it would vote 81.6% Democratic: the midterm electorate alone moves the margin 0.4 points toward Republicans. Group shares are estimated from how results vary across the state's census tracts (ecological inference, anchored to Pew's 2020 validated-voter figures) and calibrated to this district's actual 2020 vote; turnout is the Census survey's state rate by race and national rate by education, whose state samples carry margins of several points.
Not answered here: how each group will vote in 2026. These are 2020 preferences; this profile is description, not yet an input to the forecast.
The money
| Candidate | Raised | Cash on hand | PAC share | Self-funded | Outside $ for | Outside $ against |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Raskin, Jamie (DEM) incumbent | $7,425,389 | $7,893,447 | 5% | 0% | $4,153 | $0 |
| Riley, Cheryl (REP) challenger | $16,590 | $1,806 | 0% | 0% | $0 | $0 |
| Mpambara Cox, K. Anita (REP) challenger · not on our roster | $11,916 | $7,116 | 21% | 0% | $0 | $0 |
| Leon, Stephen Alan (DEM) challenger · not on our roster | $4,214 | $83 | 0% | 99% | $0 | $0 |
FEC bulk candidate summaries through June 30, 2026; $4,153 of independent expenditures for or against these candidates this cycle (FEC Schedule E, types 24E and 24A), which is the parties' and outside groups' own revealed view of whether this seat is in play.
The district in numbers
| Measure | District | Nation | Difference |
|---|---|---|---|
| Bachelor's degree or higher, 25+ | 63.4% | 34.9% | +28.4 pts |
| White, non-Hispanic | 44.3% | 58.2% | -13.9 pts |
| Black, non-Hispanic | 16.7% | 12.0% | +4.7 pts |
| Hispanic or Latino | 19.9% | 19.0% | +0.9 pts |
| Asian, non-Hispanic | 13.5% | 5.8% | +7.7 pts |
| Foreign-born | 32.1% | 13.9% | +18.2 pts |
| Median age | 40.9 | 39.2 | 1.7 |
| Median household income | $135,007 | $84,362 | $+50,645 |
| Median home value | $665,400 | $379,737 | $+285,663 |
| Owner-occupied homes | 65.5% | 65.1% | +0.4 pts |
| Unemployment, July 2026 (BLS county data) | 3.7% | 4.4% | -0.7 pts |
| Change in unemployment, past 12 months | -0.3 pts | — | — |
| Change since the last election (24 months) | +0.5 pts | — | — |
| Unemployment (ACS) | 4.8% | 5.2% | -0.4 pts |
| Federal government workers | 14.3% | 2.6% | +11.6 pts |
| Work from home | 27.2% | 13.5% | +13.7 pts |
| Households on SNAP | 6.5% | 11.8% | -5.3 pts |
| Households with Social Security income | 27.1% | 31.2% | -4.1 pts |
| Households with public assistance income | 1.8% | 2.7% | -0.8 pts |
| Moved in from another state, past year | 3.7% | 2.3% | +1.4 pts |
| Gini index | 0.50 | 0.44 | 0.06 |
| Per-capita personal income (BEA), 2024 | $104,881 | $73,248 | $+31,633 |
| Per-capita income growth since 2019, nominal, 2024 | 23.6% | 32.0% | -8.3 pts |
| Government and other transfers, share of income, 2024 | 9.7% | 19.6% | -9.9 pts |
| Social Security, share of income, 2022 | 3.4% | 5.8% | -2.5 pts |
| Medicare, share of income, 2022 | 2.3% | 4.5% | -2.2 pts |
| Medicaid, share of income, 2022 | 1.7% | 4.0% | -2.3 pts |
| SNAP, share of income, 2022 | 0.2% | 0.6% | -0.4 pts |
| Earned Income Tax Credit, share of income, 2022 | 0.1% | 0.4% | -0.2 pts |
| Veterans' benefits, share of income, 2022 | 0.3% | 0.9% | -0.6 pts |
| Federal civilian jobs, share of all jobs, 2022 | 6.8% | 1.3% | +5.5 pts |
| Military jobs, share of all jobs, 2022 | 1.1% | 0.9% | +0.2 pts |
ACS 5-year 2023, the Census Bureau's own tabulation of this district (118th Congress lines). Unemployment is the BLS county series placed on the district by block population, not seasonally adjusted, so changes are same-month comparisons. Income, transfers and jobs are BEA county accounts placed the same way, compared with the average district. Every other figure is a named column of a named table in the Bureau's summary file, archived before it was read. This is what a reader knows about a district before looking at a poll; the model does not yet use it, and whether it should is a registered question.
Who is favoured, and by how much?
The 90% interval runs from +49.3 to +76.8 points, D-R. It is wide because this district has never been polled.
What is this built on?
A model trained on every contested House race 2012-2024 predicts this district's lean from its own record: presidential and House results on the current lines, incumbency, both candidates' prior offices, outside and party money before 1 October, demographics and public-assistance shares from the Census release before the election, local unemployment and income, and religious tradition. The national margin comes from presidential approval, the economy, the midterm penalty and the generic ballot corrected for its measured lean. Draws share national and state errors, so the seat total and this district come from the same simulation.
Not answered here: district polls, which are not yet folded in.
Why does the model say this?
Each figure is how far this district's predicted lean moves when that one feature is set to the typical value across 2026 districts, everything else held: 2024 presidential lean (D+59.6): 48.7 pts toward the Democrat; 2024 House lean (D+60.6): 15.4 pts toward the Democrat; experience gap (+4 levels, D minus R): 12.1 pts toward the Democrat; PAC money balance: 8.3 pts toward the Democrat; 2020 presidential lean (D+59.1): 3.5 pts toward the Democrat.
How sure is it, and of what?
Total sd 8.36 points, made of the seat's own volatility 91%, correlated polling error 9%. The decomposition is stored with the forecast rather than reconstructed, so a probability whose dominant input is a placeholder is visibly that.
Not answered here: a nowcast. 'If ballots were cast today' needs something that observes today, and for a House district nothing does. Publishing the election-day figure under both labels would make one forecast look like two.
How was this number made?
Run 6f211e6f-2bdc-4dda-8f72-81fc628dab0b, house_district_prior/0.2.0, as of 2026-10-02. Promoted by a pre-registered gate: on 2016-2022 its Brier score was 0.036 against 0.049 for the previous method, and on a single 2024 run 0.023 against 0.032 (experiments/district_gate_result.md, with an independent review).