TX-24 · House
election-day forecast · ground-up model · as of 2026-10-02
The district, in brief
Texas's 24th is a new district for 2026 centred on Dallas Fort Worth International Airport. It takes in the suburbs north of Fort Worth and Dallas, including Grapevine, Bedford, North Richland Hills and Southlake in northeast Tarrant County, the Park Cities north of downtown Dallas, most of north Dallas including Preston Hollow, and the Dallas County suburbs of Farmers Branch and Coppell. The text calls it affluent; Donald Trump won 57.1% and Ted Cruz 54.6% here in 2024.
Redistricting put two incumbents in the district: Republican Beth Van Duyne, re-elected with 60.3% in 2024, and Democrat Julie Johnson, elected with 61.9% in 2024 from the old 32nd. Johnson chose to seek reelection in the redrawn 33rd, so Van Duyne runs as the incumbent; she was unopposed in her primary and is endorsed by Trump, Greg Abbott, AIPAC and the Log Cabin Republicans. The Democratic nominee is Kevin Burge, an IT security specialist, who led the primary with 48.0% and won the runoff 78.1% to 21.9% over TJ Ware; the Texas AFL-CIO endorses him. As of April 26, 2026 Van Duyne had raised $2,226,054 with $2,826,494 on hand, Burge $164,571 with $17,696 on hand.
Decision Desk HQ (July 14, 2026), the Cook Political Report (February 6, 2025), Inside Elections (March 7, 2025) and Sabato's Crystal Ball (September 18, 2025) all rank the seat R; the Silver Bulletin row (August 20, 2026) carries no ranking. The text records no district polls.
A paragraph quoting a model forecast from the day this brief was written is omitted; the current forecast is at the top of this page.
The facts, each beside its sentence
Due to redistricting, the district has two incumbents, Republican Beth Van Duyne, who was re-elected with 60.3% of the vote in 2024, and Democrat Julie Johnson
Beth Van Duyne, incumbent U.S. representative
Kevin Burge, IT security specialist
Beth Van Duyne, incumbent U.S. representative
Kevin Burge, IT security specialist
Beth Van Duyne, incumbent U.S. representative
Donald Trump won 57.1% of the vote in this affluent district, which also gave Ted Cruz 54.6% of the vote that same year against Democrat Colin Allred
who was re-elected with 60.3% of the vote in 2024, and Democrat Julie Johnson, who was elected with 61.9% of the vote in 2024 from the old 32nd District
encompasses the suburbs north of Fort Worth and Dallas, including Grapevine, Bedford, North Richland Hills and Southlake in northeast Tarrant County, and the wealthy Park Cities north of downtown Dallas
title: Democratic primary runoff results party: Democratic Party (United States) candidate: Kevin Burge votes: 10,656 percentage: 78.1
Decision Desk HQ R July 14, 2026 The Cook Political Report R February 6, 2025
Beth Van Duyne (R) $2,226,054 $1,360,432 $2,826,494 | Kevin Burge (D) $164,571 $148,875 $17,696
Johnson has since decided to seek reelection in the newly redrawn 33rd district
;Organizations *AIPAC *Log Cabin Republicans
Labor unions * Texas AFL-CIO
$195,319$175,867 of this total was self-funded by Buchwald
Not in the source: No district polls: the text lists none and the model's basis says no district polls.; The Silver Bulletin row in the predictions table has a date but no ranking.; No general-election ratings finer than 'R' are given.; The text gives no background for Burge beyond 'IT security specialist' and no prior office.
Read from the district's section of Wikipedia's state page (CC BY-SA), archived as efe72be7e14a; written by claude-fable-5-1 (batch reader) on 2026-09-30 and checked mechanically: every quote occurs verbatim in the archived text, every number in the brief occurs in the inputs. No probability here is the reader's.
Who holds the seat now
Beth Van Duyne (Republican), in this chamber since 2021, 3 terms. Committees: House Committee on Ways and Means; House Committee on Small Business.
From the congress-legislators dataset (CC0), archived as ae8cb9477c48. For a Senate race this lists both of the state's senators; the one whose term ends in the election year holds the seat on the ballot. For a House district redrawn for 2026 it is the member elected under the old lines with this number, who may be running elsewhere; the dossier above names who is running here.
How it has voted for president
| Two-party margin | 2016 | 2020 | 2024 |
|---|---|---|---|
| President | D+1.0 | D+8.8 | D+1.9 |
A shift of 0.9 points toward the Democrats from 2016 to 2024. county returns placed on the current lines by 2020 block population; MEDSL county file (2016), an MIT-licensed county file (2020, checked against certified state results) and MEDSL precinct returns (2024). For a district split across counties this is an estimate, and where the state published the exact 2024 figure for these lines, that exact figure is the one the model uses.
Who are the voters?
| Group (adults 25+) | Share of adults | Turnout 2020 / midterm | Share of a midterm electorate | Est. Democratic share, 2020 |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| White, no degree | 29% | 62% / 44% | 27% | 9% |
| White, degree | 36% | 84% / 68% | 51% | 50% |
| Black | 7% | 56% / 39% | 6% | 94% |
| Hispanic | 15% | 38% / 26% | 8% | 62% |
| Asian | 10% | 39% / 28% | 6% | 76% |
| Other / multiracial | 3% | 55% / 40% | 2% | 58% |
Of about 513,324 adults 25 and over. In 2020 the district voted 43.8% Democratic (two-party) for president. With the same preferences and a 2022-style midterm turnout, it would vote 44.1% Democratic: the midterm electorate alone moves the margin 0.7 points toward Democrats. Group shares are estimated from how results vary across the state's census tracts (ecological inference, anchored to Pew's 2020 validated-voter figures) and calibrated to this district's actual 2020 vote; turnout is the Census survey's state rate by race and national rate by education, whose state samples carry margins of several points.
Not answered here: how each group will vote in 2026. These are 2020 preferences; this profile is description, not yet an input to the forecast.
The money
| Candidate | Raised | Cash on hand | PAC share | Self-funded | Outside $ for | Outside $ against |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Van Duyne, Elizabeth Ann (REP) incumbent | $2,540,738 | $2,873,013 | 43% | 0% | $52 | $0 |
| Burge, Kevin Beryl (DEM) challenger | $209,860 | $37,265 | 0% | 2% | $0 | $0 |
| Buchwald, Jon (DEM) challenger · not on our roster | $195,905 | $0 | 0% | 88% | $0 | $0 |
| Ware, Timothy Joe Ii (DEM) challenger · not on our roster | $95,900 | $705 | 0% | 61% | $0 | $0 |
| Hawks, Nathan Thomas (DEM) challenger · not on our roster | $19,134 | $0 | 0% | 10% | $0 | $0 |
| Eppler, Sam (DEM) challenger · not on our roster | $148 | $0 | 0% | 0% | $0 | $0 |
| Hendley, Aaron (DEM) challenger · not on our roster | $6 | $0 | 0% | 100% | $0 | $0 |
FEC bulk candidate summaries through June 30, 2026; $52 of independent expenditures for or against these candidates this cycle (FEC Schedule E, types 24E and 24A), which is the parties' and outside groups' own revealed view of whether this seat is in play.
The district in numbers
| Measure | District | Nation | Difference |
|---|---|---|---|
| Bachelor's degree or higher, 25+ | 52.8% | 34.9% | +17.8 pts |
| White, non-Hispanic | 59.6% | 58.2% | +1.4 pts |
| Black, non-Hispanic | 7.6% | 12.0% | -4.3 pts |
| Hispanic or Latino | 18.2% | 19.0% | -0.8 pts |
| Asian, non-Hispanic | 9.8% | 5.8% | +4.1 pts |
| Foreign-born | 15.5% | 13.9% | +1.7 pts |
| Median age | 39.2 | 39.2 | -0.0 |
| Median household income | $129,967 | $84,362 | $+45,606 |
| Median home value | $527,909 | $379,737 | $+148,172 |
| Owner-occupied homes | 62.3% | 65.1% | -2.8 pts |
| Unemployment, July 2026 (BLS county data) | 4.7% | 4.4% | +0.3 pts |
| Change in unemployment, past 12 months | +0.5 pts | — | — |
| Change since the last election (24 months) | +0.3 pts | — | — |
| Unemployment (ACS) | 3.5% | 5.2% | -1.6 pts |
| Federal government workers | 1.9% | 2.6% | -0.7 pts |
| Work from home | 20.0% | 13.5% | +6.5 pts |
| Households on SNAP | 3.9% | 11.8% | -7.8 pts |
| Households with Social Security income | 22.3% | 31.2% | -8.9 pts |
| Households with public assistance income | 1.4% | 2.7% | -1.3 pts |
| Moved in from another state, past year | 2.6% | 2.3% | +0.3 pts |
| Gini index | 0.40 | 0.44 | -0.04 |
| Per-capita personal income (BEA), 2024 | $74,216 | $73,248 | $+968 |
| Per-capita income growth since 2019, nominal, 2024 | 33.4% | 32.0% | +1.4 pts |
| Government and other transfers, share of income, 2024 | 12.7% | 19.6% | -6.9 pts |
| Social Security, share of income, 2022 | 3.7% | 5.8% | -2.1 pts |
| Medicare, share of income, 2022 | 3.2% | 4.5% | -1.3 pts |
| Medicaid, share of income, 2022 | 2.1% | 4.0% | -1.9 pts |
| SNAP, share of income, 2022 | 0.5% | 0.6% | -0.1 pts |
| Earned Income Tax Credit, share of income, 2022 | 0.4% | 0.4% | +0.1 pts |
| Veterans' benefits, share of income, 2022 | 0.7% | 0.9% | -0.2 pts |
| Federal civilian jobs, share of all jobs, 2022 | 1.1% | 1.3% | -0.2 pts |
| Military jobs, share of all jobs, 2022 | 0.3% | 0.9% | -0.6 pts |
ACS 5-year 2023, assembled from census tracts by the 2020 population of their blocks inside the current lines, because the Bureau has not tabulated these lines; medians are population-weighted means of tract medians. Unemployment is the BLS county series placed on the district by block population, not seasonally adjusted, so changes are same-month comparisons. Income, transfers and jobs are BEA county accounts placed the same way, compared with the average district. Every other figure is a named column of a named table in the Bureau's summary file, archived before it was read. This is what a reader knows about a district before looking at a poll; the model does not yet use it, and whether it should is a registered question.
Who is favoured, and by how much?
The 90% interval runs from -25.1 to +5.1 points, D-R. It is wide because this district has never been polled.
What is this built on?
A model trained on every contested House race 2012-2024 predicts this district's lean from its own record: presidential and House results on the current lines, incumbency, both candidates' prior offices, outside and party money before 1 October, demographics and public-assistance shares from the Census release before the election, local unemployment and income, and religious tradition. The national margin comes from presidential approval, the economy, the midterm penalty and the generic ballot corrected for its measured lean. Draws share national and state errors, so the seat total and this district come from the same simulation.
Not answered here: district polls, which are not yet folded in.
Why does the model say this?
Each figure is how far this district's predicted lean moves when that one feature is set to the typical value across 2026 districts, everything else held: 2024 presidential lean (R+14.9): 3.8 pts toward the Republican; 2024 House lean: 3.3 pts toward the Republican; experience gap (-4 levels, D minus R): 1.5 pts toward the Republican; median hh income ($111,693): 0.8 pts toward the Republican; religion: evangelical (28.0%): 0.5 pts toward the Democrat.
How sure is it, and of what?
Total sd 9.16 points, made of the seat's own volatility 91%, correlated polling error 9%. The decomposition is stored with the forecast rather than reconstructed, so a probability whose dominant input is a placeholder is visibly that.
Not answered here: a nowcast. 'If ballots were cast today' needs something that observes today, and for a House district nothing does. Publishing the election-day figure under both labels would make one forecast look like two.
How was this number made?
Run 6f211e6f-2bdc-4dda-8f72-81fc628dab0b, house_district_prior/0.2.0, as of 2026-10-02. Promoted by a pre-registered gate: on 2016-2022 its Brier score was 0.036 against 0.049 for the previous method, and on a single 2024 run 0.023 against 0.032 (experiments/district_gate_result.md, with an independent review).