NC-14 · House
election-day forecast · ground-up model · as of 2026-10-02
The district, in brief
North Carolina's 14th is on a map first used in 2026. The text's description of the district is truncated; what survives lists Burke, Cleveland, Gaston and Rutherford counties and portions of Mecklenburg and Polk counties. The facts record a 2024 presidential two-party margin of -15.2 for the Democrat on the current lines.
The incumbent is Republican Tim Moore, who flipped the district and was elected with 58.1% in 2024. He is the Republican nominee; the text lists Kate Barr as eliminated in the Republican primary but gives no results for that contest. The Democratic nominee is LaKesha Womack, who won her primary with 52.2% over Brent Caldwell (41.8%) and Ahmid Kargbo (6.0%). The text gives no background for Womack. As of June 30, 2026 Moore had raised $1,538,952 with $1,581,992 on hand; Womack had raised $24,888 with $0 on hand.
Every rater listed calls the seat R: Decision Desk HQ (July 14, 2026), the Cook Political Report (February 6, 2025), Inside Elections (March 7, 2025) and Sabato's Crystal Ball (April 10, 2025). One district poll is recorded: Ragnar Research Partners, a Republican firm (March 10–12, 2026, 400 likely voters), had Moore 48%, Womack 40%, 12% undecided, and a generic Republican 47% to a generic Democrat 38%.
A paragraph quoting a model forecast from the day this brief was written is omitted; the current forecast is at the top of this page.
The facts, each beside its sentence
The incumbent is Republican Tim Moore, who flipped the district and was elected with 58.1% of the vote in 2024.
The incumbent is Republican Tim Moore
candidate: LaKesha Womack votes: 20641 percentage: 52.2
Tim Moore, incumbent U.S. representative
Tim Moore, incumbent U.S. representative
who flipped the district and was elected with 58.1% of the vote in 2024
Burke, Cleveland, Gaston, and Rutherford counties, as well as portions of Mecklenburg and Polk counties.
candidate: Brent Caldwell votes: 16513 percentage: 41.8
The Cook Political Report R February 6, 2025 Inside Elections R March 7, 2025
| Tim Moore (R) $1,538,952 $880,526 $1,581,992
Ragnar Research Partners (R) March 10–12, 2026 400 (LV)
Kate Barr, behavioral specialist and Democratic nominee for North Carolina's 37th Senate district in 2024
Not in the source: The text's district description is truncated by a formatting error, so the full list of counties is not available.; No Republican primary results appear in the text.; No background is given for LaKesha Womack or the other Democratic primary candidates.; No presidential results in the text; only the facts' 2024 two-party baseline is available.; The model's basis says no district polls, though the text has one Ragnar Research Partners (R) poll from March 2026.; No endorsements are listed.
Read from the district's section of Wikipedia's state page (CC BY-SA), archived as 828929623813; written by claude-fable-5-1 (batch reader) on 2026-09-30 and checked mechanically: every quote occurs verbatim in the archived text, every number in the brief occurs in the inputs. No probability here is the reader's.
Who holds the seat now
Tim Moore (Republican), in this chamber since 2025, 1 term. Committees: House Committee on Financial Services; House Committee on the Budget.
From the congress-legislators dataset (CC0), archived as ae8cb9477c48. For a Senate race this lists both of the state's senators; the one whose term ends in the election year holds the seat on the ballot. For a House district redrawn for 2026 it is the member elected under the old lines with this number, who may be running elsewhere; the dossier above names who is running here.
How it has voted for president
| Two-party margin | 2016 | 2020 | 2024 |
|---|---|---|---|
| President | R+14.1 | R+10.5 | R+11.1 |
A shift of 3.0 points toward the Democrats from 2016 to 2024. county returns placed on the current lines by 2020 block population; MEDSL county file (2016), an MIT-licensed county file (2020, checked against certified state results) and MEDSL precinct returns (2024). For a district split across counties this is an estimate, and where the state published the exact 2024 figure for these lines, that exact figure is the one the model uses.
Who are the voters?
| Group (adults 25+) | Share of adults | Turnout 2020 / midterm | Share of a midterm electorate | Est. Democratic share, 2020 |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| White, no degree | 48% | 57% / 41% | 45% | 13% |
| White, degree | 25% | 78% / 64% | 36% | 59% |
| Black | 15% | 62% / 40% | 13% | 88% |
| Hispanic | 6% | 24% / 17% | 2% | 52% |
| Asian | 4% | 49% / 16% | 1% | 63% |
| Other / multiracial | 2% | 59% / 42% | 2% | 46% |
Of about 522,643 adults 25 and over. In 2020 the district voted 41.8% Democratic (two-party) for president. With the same preferences and a 2022-style midterm turnout, it would vote 41.5% Democratic: the midterm electorate alone moves the margin 0.5 points toward Republicans. Group shares are estimated from how results vary across the state's census tracts (ecological inference, anchored to Pew's 2020 validated-voter figures) and calibrated to this district's actual 2020 vote; turnout is the Census survey's state rate by race and national rate by education, whose state samples carry margins of several points.
Not answered here: how each group will vote in 2026. These are 2020 preferences; this profile is description, not yet an input to the forecast.
The money
| Candidate | Raised | Cash on hand | PAC share | Self-funded | Outside $ for | Outside $ against |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Moore, Tim (REP) incumbent | $1,538,952 | $1,581,992 | 28% | 0% | $80,948 | $0 |
| Caldwell, Brent (DEM) challenger · not on our roster | $78,144 | $-4,548 | 8% | 29% | $0 | $0 |
| Barr, Kate (REP) challenger · not on our roster | $76,450 | $0 | 0% | 12% | $230 | $0 |
| Womack, Lakesha (DEM) challenger | $24,888 | $-376 | 4% | 0% | $0 | $0 |
| Genant, Pamela (DEM) open seat · not on our roster | $2,000 | $0 | 100% | 0% | $0 | $0 |
FEC bulk candidate summaries through June 30, 2026; $81,178 of independent expenditures for or against these candidates this cycle (FEC Schedule E, types 24E and 24A), which is the parties' and outside groups' own revealed view of whether this seat is in play.
The district in numbers
| Measure | District | Nation | Difference |
|---|---|---|---|
| Bachelor's degree or higher, 25+ | 34.5% | 34.9% | -0.4 pts |
| White, non-Hispanic | 67.1% | 58.2% | +8.9 pts |
| Black, non-Hispanic | 15.7% | 12.0% | +3.8 pts |
| Hispanic or Latino | 8.8% | 19.0% | -10.2 pts |
| Asian, non-Hispanic | 3.7% | 5.8% | -2.0 pts |
| Foreign-born | 8.3% | 13.9% | -5.6 pts |
| Median age | 41.0 | 39.2 | 1.8 |
| Median household income | $81,850 | $84,362 | $-2,512 |
| Median home value | $297,654 | $379,737 | $-82,083 |
| Owner-occupied homes | 69.6% | 65.1% | +4.5 pts |
| Unemployment, July 2026 (BLS county data) | 3.9% | 4.4% | -0.5 pts |
| Change in unemployment, past 12 months | -0.5 pts | — | — |
| Change since the last election (24 months) | -0.3 pts | — | — |
| Unemployment (ACS) | 4.6% | 5.2% | -0.6 pts |
| Federal government workers | 1.1% | 2.6% | -1.5 pts |
| Work from home | 15.1% | 13.5% | +1.6 pts |
| Households on SNAP | 12.4% | 11.8% | +0.7 pts |
| Households with Social Security income | 32.9% | 31.2% | +1.7 pts |
| Households with public assistance income | 1.6% | 2.7% | -1.1 pts |
| Moved in from another state, past year | 3.1% | 2.3% | +0.8 pts |
| Gini index | 0.40 | 0.44 | -0.04 |
| Per-capita personal income (BEA), 2024 | $64,679 | $73,248 | $-8,569 |
| Per-capita income growth since 2019, nominal, 2024 | 35.6% | 32.0% | +3.6 pts |
| Government and other transfers, share of income, 2024 | 21.3% | 19.6% | +1.8 pts |
| Social Security, share of income, 2022 | 6.6% | 5.8% | +0.7 pts |
| Medicare, share of income, 2022 | 4.8% | 4.5% | +0.3 pts |
| Medicaid, share of income, 2022 | 3.5% | 4.0% | -0.4 pts |
| SNAP, share of income, 2022 | 1.0% | 0.6% | +0.3 pts |
| Earned Income Tax Credit, share of income, 2022 | 0.4% | 0.4% | +0.1 pts |
| Veterans' benefits, share of income, 2022 | 1.0% | 0.9% | +0.1 pts |
| Federal civilian jobs, share of all jobs, 2022 | 0.5% | 1.3% | -0.8 pts |
| Military jobs, share of all jobs, 2022 | 0.3% | 0.9% | -0.6 pts |
ACS 5-year 2023, assembled from census tracts by the 2020 population of their blocks inside the current lines, because the Bureau has not tabulated these lines; medians are population-weighted means of tract medians. Unemployment is the BLS county series placed on the district by block population, not seasonally adjusted, so changes are same-month comparisons. Income, transfers and jobs are BEA county accounts placed the same way, compared with the average district. Every other figure is a named column of a named table in the Bureau's summary file, archived before it was read. This is what a reader knows about a district before looking at a poll; the model does not yet use it, and whether it should is a registered question.
Who is favoured, and by how much?
The 90% interval runs from -23.4 to +6.4 points, D-R. It is wide because this district has never been polled.
What is this built on?
A model trained on every contested House race 2012-2024 predicts this district's lean from its own record: presidential and House results on the current lines, incumbency, both candidates' prior offices, outside and party money before 1 October, demographics and public-assistance shares from the Census release before the election, local unemployment and income, and religious tradition. The national margin comes from presidential approval, the economy, the midterm penalty and the generic ballot corrected for its measured lean. Draws share national and state errors, so the seat total and this district come from the same simulation.
Not answered here: district polls, which are not yet folded in.
Why does the model say this?
Each figure is how far this district's predicted lean moves when that one feature is set to the typical value across 2026 districts, everything else held: 2024 presidential lean (R+13.7): 2.4 pts toward the Republican; 2024 House lean: 2.4 pts toward the Republican; experience gap (-4 levels, D minus R): 1.9 pts toward the Republican; snap share income (0.9%): 0.8 pts toward the Democrat; religion: evangelical (35.7%): 0.7 pts toward the Democrat.
How sure is it, and of what?
Total sd 9.10 points, made of the seat's own volatility 91%, correlated polling error 9%. The decomposition is stored with the forecast rather than reconstructed, so a probability whose dominant input is a placeholder is visibly that.
Not answered here: a nowcast. 'If ballots were cast today' needs something that observes today, and for a House district nothing does. Publishing the election-day figure under both labels would make one forecast look like two.
How was this number made?
Run 6f211e6f-2bdc-4dda-8f72-81fc628dab0b, house_district_prior/0.2.0, as of 2026-10-02. Promoted by a pre-registered gate: on 2016-2022 its Brier score was 0.036 against 0.049 for the previous method, and on a single 2024 run 0.023 against 0.032 (experiments/district_gate_result.md, with an independent review).