FL-14 · House

The district, in brief

Florida's 14th is on a map first used in 2026; the text says nothing about where the new lines run. The incumbent is Democrat Kathy Castor, re-elected with 56.9% of the vote in 2024.

Castor is the Democratic nominee and the text lists no primary opponent. The Republican nominee is Mike Beltran, a former state representative from the 70th district (2018–2024), who won an eight-way primary with 45.6% (25,866 votes) over Kevin Steele, a former state representative, at 30.2% (17,140), with Bea Valenti at 9.6% and the 2024 nominee Robert "Rocky" Rochford at 7.1%. Beltran self-funded $2,014,000 of the $2,116,747 he raised; Steele self-funded $2,500,000 of $2,588,952. Lieutenant governor Jay Collins, Laurel Lee, Anna Paulina Luna and Eddie Speir declined to run. A Libertarian, Brian Lambert, and two write-in independents are also listed. As of July 29, 2026 Castor had raised $2,337,125 with $1,744,723 on hand; Beltran had $1,939,864 on hand.

The raters split. Decision Desk HQ (August 28, 2026) and The Economist (August 28, 2026) call the seat D; the Cook Political Report (August 25, 2026), Inside Elections (September 17, 2026) and Sabato's Crystal Ball (August 26, 2026) call it a Tossup. One general-election poll is recorded: St. Pete Polls (July 14–15, 2026, 469 LV) had Castor 46%, Beltran 38%, undecided 16%. Two debates are scheduled, October 2 on WMNF and October 16 at Tiger Bay at the Cuban Club.

A paragraph quoting a model forecast from the day this brief was written is omitted; the current forecast is at the top of this page.

The facts, each beside its sentence

Not in the source: The text describes nothing about the new district lines, and gives no presidential results on any lines; the raters' Tossup calls are not explained.; No Democratic primary result is given; Castor is listed as nominee with no opponents.; The one general-election poll (St. Pete Polls) is in the text but the model's basis says no district polls.; No general-election ratings finer than 'D' or 'Tossup' are given.

Read from the district's section of Wikipedia's state page (CC BY-SA), archived as 27e2e54e6981; written by claude-fable-5-1 (batch reader) on 2026-09-30 and checked mechanically: every quote occurs verbatim in the archived text, every number in the brief occurs in the inputs. No probability here is the reader's.

Who holds the seat now

Kathy Castor (Democrat), in this chamber since 2007, 10 terms. Committees: House Committee on Energy and Commerce; House Select Committee on the Strategic Competition Between the United States and the Chinese Communist Party.

From the congress-legislators dataset (CC0), archived as ae8cb9477c48. For a Senate race this lists both of the state's senators; the one whose term ends in the election year holds the seat on the ballot. For a House district redrawn for 2026 it is the member elected under the old lines with this number, who may be running elsewhere; the dossier above names who is running here.

How it has voted for president

A shift of 10.2 points toward the Republicans from 2016 to 2024. county returns placed on the current lines by 2020 block population; MEDSL county file (2016), an MIT-licensed county file (2020, checked against certified state results) and MEDSL precinct returns (2024). For a district split across counties this is an estimate, and where the state published the exact 2024 figure for these lines, that exact figure is the one the model uses.

Who are the voters?

Of about 539,695 adults 25 and over. In 2020 the district voted 48.7% Democratic (two-party) for president. With the same preferences and a 2022-style midterm turnout, it would vote 48.6% Democratic: the midterm electorate alone moves the margin 0.2 points toward Republicans. Group shares are estimated from how results vary across the state's census tracts (ecological inference, anchored to Pew's 2020 validated-voter figures) and calibrated to this district's actual 2020 vote; turnout is the Census survey's state rate by race and national rate by education, whose state samples carry margins of several points.

Not answered here: how each group will vote in 2026. These are 2020 preferences; this profile is description, not yet an input to the forecast.

The money

FEC bulk candidate summaries through September 30, 2026; $122 of independent expenditures for or against these candidates this cycle (FEC Schedule E, types 24E and 24A), which is the parties' and outside groups' own revealed view of whether this seat is in play.

The district in numbers

ACS 5-year 2023, assembled from census tracts by the 2020 population of their blocks inside the current lines, because the Bureau has not tabulated these lines; medians are population-weighted means of tract medians. Unemployment is the BLS county series placed on the district by block population, not seasonally adjusted, so changes are same-month comparisons. Income, transfers and jobs are BEA county accounts placed the same way, compared with the average district. Every other figure is a named column of a named table in the Bureau's summary file, archived before it was read. This is what a reader knows about a district before looking at a poll; the model does not yet use it, and whether it should is a registered question.

Who is favoured, and by how much?

The 90% interval runs from +1.9 to +31.7 points, D-R. It is wide because this district has never been polled.

What is this built on?

A model trained on every contested House race 2012-2024 predicts this district's lean from its own record: presidential and House results on the current lines, incumbency, both candidates' prior offices, outside and party money before 1 October, demographics and public-assistance shares from the Census release before the election, local unemployment and income, and religious tradition. The national margin comes from presidential approval, the economy, the midterm penalty and the generic ballot corrected for its measured lean. Draws share national and state errors, so the seat total and this district come from the same simulation.

Not answered here: district polls, which are not yet folded in.

Why does the model say this?

Each figure is how far this district's predicted lean moves when that one feature is set to the typical value across 2026 districts, everything else held: PAC money balance: 9.4 pts toward the Democrat; experience gap (+2 levels, D minus R): 5.4 pts toward the Democrat; 2024 presidential lean (R+1.6): 2.4 pts toward the Democrat; 2024 House lean: 2.0 pts toward the Democrat; Democrat's experience (incumbent): 1.8 pts toward the Democrat.

How sure is it, and of what?

Total sd 9.12 points, made of the seat's own volatility 91%, correlated polling error 9%. The decomposition is stored with the forecast rather than reconstructed, so a probability whose dominant input is a placeholder is visibly that.

Not answered here: a nowcast. 'If ballots were cast today' needs something that observes today, and for a House district nothing does. Publishing the election-day figure under both labels would make one forecast look like two.

How was this number made?

Run 6f211e6f-2bdc-4dda-8f72-81fc628dab0b, house_district_prior/0.2.0, as of 2026-10-02. Promoted by a pre-registered gate: on 2016-2022 its Brier score was 0.036 against 0.049 for the previous method, and on a single 2024 run 0.023 against 0.032 (experiments/district_gate_result.md, with an independent review).