TX-19 · House

The district, in brief

Texas's 19th is a new district for 2026 that, as the text puts it, then as now encompasses much of West Texas including Lubbock and Abilene along with Big Spring. It is majority White with a voting age population that is 34.7% Hispanic, and in 2024 gave 75.3% to Donald Trump and 73% to Ted Cruz.

The seat is open. The incumbent, Republican Jodey Arrington, was re-elected with 80.7% in 2024 and is not seeking a sixth term. The Republican nominee is Tom Sell, a businessman, who led a seven-candidate primary with 40.4% (Abraham Enriquez 18.8%, Matt Smith 18.5%, Jason Corley 10.4%, Donald May 7.0%, Ryan Zink 2.6%, James Barbee 2.3%) and won the runoff 64.3% to 35.7% over Enriquez. Two Harper Polling (R) surveys preceded those results: a Sell-sponsored poll on February 10, 2026 had Sell 28% with 51% undecided, and an April 7–8, 2026 runoff poll had Sell 57%, Enriquez 17%. The Republican primary section lists endorsements from Donald Trump, Greg Abbott, Arrington, Steve Scalise, Tom Emmer, Jim Jordan, Pete Sessions, CPAC, Turning Point Action and the U.S. Chamber of Commerce in blocks it does not label by candidate. The Democratic nominee is Kyle Rable, secretary of the Lubbock County Democratic Party, unopposed with 22,513 votes and endorsed by the Texas AFL-CIO and Track AIPAC. As of April 26, 2026 Sell had raised $2,014,494 with $670,805 on hand; Rable had raised $21,086 with $8,529 on hand.

Every rater with a call listed has the seat R: Decision Desk HQ (July 14, 2026), the Cook Political Report (February 6, 2025), Inside Elections (March 7, 2025) and Sabato's Crystal Ball (September 18, 2025). The Silver Bulletin row is dated August 20, 2026 but shows no ranking.

A paragraph quoting a model forecast from the day this brief was written is omitted; the current forecast is at the top of this page.

The facts, each beside its sentence

Not in the source: No general-election district polls: the polls in the text are Republican primary and runoff polls, and the model's basis says no district polls.; The Republican primary endorsement blocks are not labelled by candidate, so none is attributed to Sell here.; The Silver Bulletin row in the ratings table carries a date but no ranking.; Rable's primary-period finance figures are dated December 31, 2025, earlier than the other candidates' February 11, 2026 reports.; The general-election FEC table omits party labels for Sell and Rable.

Read from the district's section of Wikipedia's state page (CC BY-SA), archived as efe72be7e14a; written by claude-fable-5-1 (batch reader) on 2026-09-30 and checked mechanically: every quote occurs verbatim in the archived text, every number in the brief occurs in the inputs. No probability here is the reader's.

Who holds the seat now

Jodey C. Arrington (Republican), in this chamber since 2017, 5 terms. Committees: Joint Economic Committee; House Committee on Ways and Means; House Committee on the Budget (Chair).

From the congress-legislators dataset (CC0), archived as ae8cb9477c48. For a Senate race this lists both of the state's senators; the one whose term ends in the election year holds the seat on the ballot. For a House district redrawn for 2026 it is the member elected under the old lines with this number, who may be running elsewhere; the dossier above names who is running here.

How it has voted for president

A shift of 1.3 points toward the Republicans from 2016 to 2024. county returns placed on the current lines by 2020 block population; MEDSL county file (2016), an MIT-licensed county file (2020, checked against certified state results) and MEDSL precinct returns (2024). For a district split across counties this is an estimate, and where the state published the exact 2024 figure for these lines, that exact figure is the one the model uses.

Who are the voters?

Of about 465,588 adults 25 and over. In 2020 the district voted 26.5% Democratic (two-party) for president. With the same preferences and a 2022-style midterm turnout, it would vote 26.3% Democratic: the midterm electorate alone moves the margin 0.5 points toward Republicans. Group shares are estimated from how results vary across the state's census tracts (ecological inference, anchored to Pew's 2020 validated-voter figures) and calibrated to this district's actual 2020 vote; turnout is the Census survey's state rate by race and national rate by education, whose state samples carry margins of several points.

Not answered here: how each group will vote in 2026. These are 2020 preferences; this profile is description, not yet an input to the forecast.

The money

FEC bulk candidate summaries through July 24, 2026; $1,673,656 of independent expenditures for or against these candidates this cycle (FEC Schedule E, types 24E and 24A), which is the parties' and outside groups' own revealed view of whether this seat is in play.

The district in numbers

ACS 5-year 2023, assembled from census tracts by the 2020 population of their blocks inside the current lines, because the Bureau has not tabulated these lines; medians are population-weighted means of tract medians. Unemployment is the BLS county series placed on the district by block population, not seasonally adjusted, so changes are same-month comparisons. Income, transfers and jobs are BEA county accounts placed the same way, compared with the average district. Every other figure is a named column of a named table in the Bureau's summary file, archived before it was read. This is what a reader knows about a district before looking at a poll; the model does not yet use it, and whether it should is a registered question.

Who is favoured, and by how much?

The 90% interval runs from -58.9 to -28.8 points, D-R. It is wide because this district has never been polled.

What is this built on?

A model trained on every contested House race 2012-2024 predicts this district's lean from its own record: presidential and House results on the current lines, incumbency, both candidates' prior offices, outside and party money before 1 October, demographics and public-assistance shares from the Census release before the election, local unemployment and income, and religious tradition. The national margin comes from presidential approval, the economy, the midterm penalty and the generic ballot corrected for its measured lean. Draws share national and state errors, so the seat total and this district come from the same simulation.

Not answered here: district polls, which are not yet folded in.

Why does the model say this?

Each figure is how far this district's predicted lean moves when that one feature is set to the typical value across 2026 districts, everything else held: 2024 presidential lean (R+50.7): 45.2 pts toward the Republican; 2024 House lean: 7.2 pts toward the Republican; social security share (27.4%): 0.9 pts toward the Democrat; gini (42.6%): 0.8 pts toward the Republican; PAC money balance: 0.8 pts toward the Republican.

How sure is it, and of what?

Total sd 9.18 points, made of the seat's own volatility 91%, correlated polling error 9%. The decomposition is stored with the forecast rather than reconstructed, so a probability whose dominant input is a placeholder is visibly that.

Not answered here: a nowcast. 'If ballots were cast today' needs something that observes today, and for a House district nothing does. Publishing the election-day figure under both labels would make one forecast look like two.

How was this number made?

Run 00a09d4b-7980-4ec5-ada0-077968a87242, house_district_prior/0.2.0, as of 2026-10-02. Promoted by a pre-registered gate: on 2016-2022 its Brier score was 0.036 against 0.049 for the previous method, and on a single 2024 run 0.023 against 0.032 (experiments/district_gate_result.md, with an independent review).