CA-32 · House

The district, in brief

California's 32nd is listed in the facts as redrawn for 2026, on a map first used this cycle. The text says nothing about the new lines; on the previous map the facts give Brad Sherman a Democratic two-party margin of 32.4 points in 2024.

The incumbent is Democrat Brad Sherman, re-elected with 66.2% of the vote in 2024. The Republican nominee is Larry Thompson, a talent manager and the runner-up for this district in 2024. Sherman took 36.77% in a crowded primary; the text's primary table breaks off after his line, so Thompson's share is not given. Seven candidates were eliminated, among them Jake Levine, son of former representative Mel Levine, who had raised $2,348,148 by May 13, 2026; Jake Rakov, once Sherman's deputy communications director, withdrew. The general-election table, dated May 13, 2026, has Sherman at $2,116,724 raised with $4,233,461 on hand and Thompson at $181,350 raised with $0 on hand; the primary-stage table with the same date gives different figures. An endorsement block the text does not attribute lists Governor Gavin Newsom, senators Schiff, Padilla and Booker, Nancy Pelosi, all 42 other Democratic U.S. representatives from California, AIPAC and the California Democratic Party; the California Republican Party appears in a block of its own.

Every rater in the text calls the seat D: Decision Desk HQ (July 14, 2026), the Cook Political Report (November 5, 2025), Inside Elections (March 7, 2025), Sabato's Crystal Ball (July 15, 2025) and The Economist (May 6, 2026).

A paragraph quoting a model forecast from the day this brief was written is omitted; the current forecast is at the top of this page.

The facts, each beside its sentence

Not in the source: The facts say the district was redrawn for 2026, but the text describes nothing about the new lines.; The primary results table is truncated after Sherman's line: Thompson's and the other candidates' votes and percentages are missing.; The two fundraising tables carry the same report date (May 13, 2026) but different figures for Sherman ($1,749,552 vs $2,116,724 raised) and Thompson ($15,251 vs $181,350 raised).; The text gives no presidential results for the district in any year.; The text's endorsement blocks are not labelled with the candidate they support.; No general-election ratings finer than 'D' are given.; No district polls appear in the text, and the model's basis says it has none.

Read from the district's section of Wikipedia's state page (CC BY-SA), archived as 5cec783f78c8; written by claude-fable-5-1 (batch reader) on 2026-09-30 and checked mechanically: every quote occurs verbatim in the archived text, every number in the brief occurs in the inputs. No probability here is the reader's.

Who holds the seat now

Brad Sherman (Democrat), in this chamber since 1997, 15 terms. Committees: House Committee on Financial Services; House Committee on Foreign Affairs.

From the congress-legislators dataset (CC0), archived as ae8cb9477c48. For a Senate race this lists both of the state's senators; the one whose term ends in the election year holds the seat on the ballot. For a House district redrawn for 2026 it is the member elected under the old lines with this number, who may be running elsewhere; the dossier above names who is running here.

How it has voted for president

A shift of 15.5 points toward the Republicans from 2016 to 2024. county returns placed on the current lines by 2020 block population; MEDSL county file (2016), an MIT-licensed county file (2020, checked against certified state results) and MEDSL precinct returns (2024). For a district split across counties this is an estimate, and where the state published the exact 2024 figure for these lines, that exact figure is the one the model uses.

Who are the voters?

Of about 552,551 adults 25 and over. In 2020 the district voted 67.1% Democratic (two-party) for president. With the same preferences and a 2022-style midterm turnout, it would vote 67.9% Democratic: the midterm electorate alone moves the margin 1.5 points toward Democrats. Group shares are estimated from how results vary across the state's census tracts (ecological inference, anchored to Pew's 2020 validated-voter figures) and calibrated to this district's actual 2020 vote; turnout is the Census survey's state rate by race and national rate by education, whose state samples carry margins of several points.

Not answered here: how each group will vote in 2026. These are 2020 preferences; this profile is description, not yet an input to the forecast.

The money

FEC bulk candidate summaries through July 31, 2026; $1,860,799 of independent expenditures for or against these candidates this cycle (FEC Schedule E, types 24E and 24A), which is the parties' and outside groups' own revealed view of whether this seat is in play.

The district in numbers

ACS 5-year 2023, assembled from census tracts by the 2020 population of their blocks inside the current lines, because the Bureau has not tabulated these lines; medians are population-weighted means of tract medians. Unemployment is the BLS county series placed on the district by block population, not seasonally adjusted, so changes are same-month comparisons. Income, transfers and jobs are BEA county accounts placed the same way, compared with the average district. Every other figure is a named column of a named table in the Bureau's summary file, archived before it was read. This is what a reader knows about a district before looking at a poll; the model does not yet use it, and whether it should is a registered question.

Who is favoured, and by how much?

The 90% interval runs from +17.2 to +47.9 points, D-R. It is wide because this district has never been polled.

What is this built on?

A model trained on every contested House race 2012-2024 predicts this district's lean from its own record: presidential and House results on the current lines, incumbency, both candidates' prior offices, outside and party money before 1 October, demographics and public-assistance shares from the Census release before the election, local unemployment and income, and religious tradition. The national margin comes from presidential approval, the economy, the midterm penalty and the generic ballot corrected for its measured lean. Draws share national and state errors, so the seat total and this district come from the same simulation.

Not answered here: district polls, which are not yet folded in.

Why does the model say this?

Each figure is how far this district's predicted lean moves when that one feature is set to the typical value across 2026 districts, everything else held: 2024 presidential lean (D+27.3): 19.5 pts toward the Democrat; 2024 House lean: 10.5 pts toward the Democrat; PAC money balance: 8.5 pts toward the Democrat; experience gap (+4 levels, D minus R): 8.3 pts toward the Democrat; Democrat's experience (incumbent): 1.2 pts toward the Republican.

How sure is it, and of what?

Total sd 9.29 points, made of the seat's own volatility 91%, correlated polling error 9%. The decomposition is stored with the forecast rather than reconstructed, so a probability whose dominant input is a placeholder is visibly that.

Not answered here: a nowcast. 'If ballots were cast today' needs something that observes today, and for a House district nothing does. Publishing the election-day figure under both labels would make one forecast look like two.

How was this number made?

Run 00a09d4b-7980-4ec5-ada0-077968a87242, house_district_prior/0.2.0, as of 2026-10-02. Promoted by a pre-registered gate: on 2016-2022 its Brier score was 0.036 against 0.049 for the previous method, and on a single 2024 run 0.023 against 0.032 (experiments/district_gate_result.md, with an independent review).