AL-7 · House
election-day forecast · ground-up model · as of 2026-10-02
The district, in brief
Alabama's 7th covers the west-central part of the state in the Black Belt, including Demopolis, Greensboro and Selma, and takes in majority-black areas of Birmingham and Tuscaloosa. It is on a map first used in 2026; in the legislature-approved map it gained Monroe and Conecuh counties from the 1st district and ceded Lowndes County to the 2nd. The text gives no presidential result.
The incumbent is Democrat Terri Sewell, re-elected with 63.7% in 2024, who was the Democratic nominee in both the nonbinding May primary and the special primary; no primary result is given for her. The Republican nominee is Ammie Akin, an educator, who won the special Republican primary with 73.4% over David Perry at 26.6%. As of March 31, 2026 Sewell had raised $1,514,475 with $3,650,598 on hand; the text gives no figures for Akin.
Decision Desk HQ (July 14, 2026), the Cook Political Report (February 6, 2025), Inside Elections (March 7, 2025), Sabato's Crystal Ball (July 15, 2025) and The Economist (April 24, 2026) all call the seat D; the Silver Bulletin row (August 20, 2026) shows no rating. No polls are listed.
A paragraph quoting a model forecast from the day this brief was written is omitted; the current forecast is at the top of this page.
The facts, each beside its sentence
The incumbent is Democrat Terri Sewell, who was re-elected with 63.7% of the vote in 2024.
Terri Sewell, incumbent U.S. representative
Terri Sewell, incumbent U.S. representative
candidate: Ammie Akin votes: 9,316 percentage: 73.4
Terri Sewell, incumbent U.S. representative
*Ammie Akin, educator =====Eliminated in primary===== *David Perry
who was re-elected with 63.7% of the vote in 2024
In the legislature-approved redistricted map, the 7th district gained Monroe and Conecuh counties from the 1st district, while ceding Lowndes County to the 2nd district.
candidate: Ammie Akin votes: 9,316 percentage: 73.4
Decision Desk HQ D July 14, 2026 The Cook Political Report D February 6, 2025
Terri Sewell (D) $1,514,475 $1,339,437 $3,650,598
David Perry, nominee for the state board of education's 5th district in 2024
Not in the source: The text gives no presidential results for the district.; No fundraising figures for Akin, and none for anyone later than March 31, 2026.; No polls of any kind are listed.; No Democratic primary result is given.; The Silver Bulletin rating cell is empty.
Read from the district's section of Wikipedia's state page (CC BY-SA), archived as 24226f016ff0; written by claude-fable-5-1 (batch reader) on 2026-09-30 and checked mechanically: every quote occurs verbatim in the archived text, every number in the brief occurs in the inputs. No probability here is the reader's.
Who holds the seat now
Terri A. Sewell (Democrat), in this chamber since 2011, 8 terms. Committees: Joint Committee on Printing; House Committee on Ways and Means; House Committee on House Administration.
From the congress-legislators dataset (CC0), archived as ae8cb9477c48. For a Senate race this lists both of the state's senators; the one whose term ends in the election year holds the seat on the ballot. For a House district redrawn for 2026 it is the member elected under the old lines with this number, who may be running elsewhere; the dossier above names who is running here.
How it has voted for president
| Two-party margin | 2016 | 2020 | 2024 |
|---|---|---|---|
| President | D+4.1 | D+6.8 | D+1.8 |
A shift of 2.3 points toward the Republicans from 2016 to 2024. county returns placed on the current lines by 2020 block population; MEDSL county file (2016), an MIT-licensed county file (2020, checked against certified state results) and MEDSL precinct returns (2024). For a district split across counties this is an estimate, and where the state published the exact 2024 figure for these lines, that exact figure is the one the model uses.
Who are the voters?
| Group (adults 25+) | Share of adults | Turnout 2020 / midterm | Share of a midterm electorate | Est. Democratic share, 2020 |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| White, no degree | 29% | 56% / 39% | 25% | 15% |
| White, degree | 13% | 77% / 61% | 18% | 47% |
| Black | 52% | 55% / 46% | 53% | 94% |
| Hispanic | 2% | 38% / 13% | 1% | 62% |
| Asian | 1% | 38% / 26% | 1% | 66% |
| Other / multiracial | 2% | 60% / 44% | 2% | 54% |
Of about 478,320 adults 25 and over. In 2020 the district voted 61.5% Democratic (two-party) for president. With the same preferences and a 2022-style midterm turnout, it would vote 64.3% Democratic: the midterm electorate alone moves the margin 5.6 points toward Democrats. Group shares are estimated from how results vary across the state's census tracts (ecological inference, anchored to Pew's 2020 validated-voter figures) and calibrated to this district's actual 2020 vote; turnout is the Census survey's state rate by race and national rate by education, whose state samples carry margins of several points.
Not answered here: how each group will vote in 2026. These are 2020 preferences; this profile is description, not yet an input to the forecast.
The money
| Candidate | Raised | Cash on hand | PAC share | Self-funded | Outside $ for | Outside $ against |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sewell, Terri A. (DEM) incumbent | $1,961,991 | $3,754,350 | 81% | 0% | $0 | $0 |
| Murphy, Morgan W. W. (REP) challenger · not on our roster | $1,281,322 | $105,416 | 1% | 8% | $0 | $0 |
| Akin, Ammie (REP) challenger | $150,730 | $115,936 | 0% | 66% | $0 | $0 |
FEC bulk candidate summaries through July 22, 2026; no independent expenditures reported for or against any candidate, which usually means nobody outside the district thinks it is in play.
The district in numbers
| Measure | District | Nation | Difference |
|---|---|---|---|
| Bachelor's degree or higher, 25+ | 25.0% | 34.9% | -9.9 pts |
| White, non-Hispanic | 40.2% | 58.2% | -18.1 pts |
| Black, non-Hispanic | 51.7% | 12.0% | +39.8 pts |
| Hispanic or Latino | 4.3% | 19.0% | -14.7 pts |
| Asian, non-Hispanic | 1.2% | 5.8% | -4.5 pts |
| Foreign-born | 3.3% | 13.9% | -10.5 pts |
| Median age | 38.4 | 39.2 | -0.8 |
| Median household income | $55,758 | $84,362 | $-28,603 |
| Median home value | $178,319 | $379,737 | $-201,418 |
| Owner-occupied homes | 62.5% | 65.1% | -2.6 pts |
| Unemployment, July 2026 (BLS county data) | 4.3% | 4.4% | -0.1 pts |
| Change in unemployment, past 12 months | +0.7 pts | — | — |
| Change since the last election (24 months) | +0.4 pts | — | — |
| Unemployment (ACS) | 6.4% | 5.2% | +1.2 pts |
| Federal government workers | 2.9% | 2.6% | +0.3 pts |
| Work from home | 7.6% | 13.5% | -5.8 pts |
| Households on SNAP | 18.8% | 11.8% | +7.1 pts |
| Households with Social Security income | 35.9% | 31.2% | +4.6 pts |
| Households with public assistance income | 3.1% | 2.7% | +0.4 pts |
| Moved in from another state, past year | 2.3% | 2.3% | +0.0 pts |
| Gini index | 0.40 | 0.44 | -0.04 |
| Per-capita personal income (BEA), 2024 | $61,413 | $73,248 | $-11,835 |
| Per-capita income growth since 2019, nominal, 2024 | 34.3% | 32.0% | +2.3 pts |
| Government and other transfers, share of income, 2024 | 23.0% | 19.6% | +3.4 pts |
| Social Security, share of income, 2022 | 7.6% | 5.8% | +1.8 pts |
| Medicare, share of income, 2022 | 5.9% | 4.5% | +1.5 pts |
| Medicaid, share of income, 2022 | 3.3% | 4.0% | -0.7 pts |
| SNAP, share of income, 2022 | 1.0% | 0.6% | +0.4 pts |
| Earned Income Tax Credit, share of income, 2022 | 0.7% | 0.4% | +0.3 pts |
| Veterans' benefits, share of income, 2022 | 1.2% | 0.9% | +0.3 pts |
| Federal civilian jobs, share of all jobs, 2022 | 1.5% | 1.3% | +0.2 pts |
| Military jobs, share of all jobs, 2022 | 0.6% | 0.9% | -0.3 pts |
ACS 5-year 2023, assembled from census tracts by the 2020 population of their blocks inside the current lines, because the Bureau has not tabulated these lines; medians are population-weighted means of tract medians. Unemployment is the BLS county series placed on the district by block population, not seasonally adjusted, so changes are same-month comparisons. Income, transfers and jobs are BEA county accounts placed the same way, compared with the average district. Every other figure is a named column of a named table in the Bureau's summary file, archived before it was read. This is what a reader knows about a district before looking at a poll; the model does not yet use it, and whether it should is a registered question.
Who is favoured, and by how much?
The 90% interval runs from +6.1 to +36.6 points, D-R. It is wide because this district has never been polled.
What is this built on?
A model trained on every contested House race 2012-2024 predicts this district's lean from its own record: presidential and House results on the current lines, incumbency, both candidates' prior offices, outside and party money before 1 October, demographics and public-assistance shares from the Census release before the election, local unemployment and income, and religious tradition. The national margin comes from presidential approval, the economy, the midterm penalty and the generic ballot corrected for its measured lean. Draws share national and state errors, so the seat total and this district come from the same simulation.
Not answered here: district polls, which are not yet folded in.
Why does the model say this?
Each figure is how far this district's predicted lean moves when that one feature is set to the typical value across 2026 districts, everything else held: experience gap (+4 levels, D minus R): 6.5 pts toward the Democrat; PAC money balance: 5.3 pts toward the Democrat; 2024 presidential lean (D+3.3): 5.1 pts toward the Democrat; 2024 House lean: 3.7 pts toward the Democrat; presidential trend 2020-24 (R+15.3): 1.8 pts toward the Democrat.
How sure is it, and of what?
Total sd 9.29 points, made of the seat's own volatility 91%, correlated polling error 9%. The decomposition is stored with the forecast rather than reconstructed, so a probability whose dominant input is a placeholder is visibly that.
Not answered here: a nowcast. 'If ballots were cast today' needs something that observes today, and for a House district nothing does. Publishing the election-day figure under both labels would make one forecast look like two.
How was this number made?
Run 00a09d4b-7980-4ec5-ada0-077968a87242, house_district_prior/0.2.0, as of 2026-10-02. Promoted by a pre-registered gate: on 2016-2022 its Brier score was 0.036 against 0.049 for the previous method, and on a single 2024 run 0.023 against 0.032 (experiments/district_gate_result.md, with an independent review).